Nigeria’s Democratic Enterprise Since 1999: A Preliminary Assessment

How do we do this?
1. Strengthen the Nigerian State:
For any nation to move forward, the state must enjoy a relatively high degree of hegemony to control contending forces, build strong structures, promote accumulation, and create an environment for self-sustained growth and development.  The Nigerian state does not control the various pockets of power that challenge its power and authority even if it can use violence in the final instant.  Political and other forces, be they politicians, militants, religious extremists, even students and armed robbers are not necessarily afraid of its pronouncements and institutions.  Its failure to improve society and the lot of the majority leaves the state at the mercy of political adventurers.  Because its hegemony is weak, its custodians cannot enjoy relative autonomy and cannot build discipline or some degree of harmony within and between social classes. So conflicts and competitions go on normlessly.  This condition explains the inconsistency in policy and performance and constrains the ability of institutions to function.  Few believe the government, an arm of the state when it says “your security is assured, go about your normal business.”  Many see the budget reading or presentation as mere ceremony.  Many more believe that all government officials and politicians are nothing but thieves.  In short, the Nigerian state has very limited hegemony.  This has to be reversed through deliberate growth and nurturing of leadership, purposeful policy making, constitution review, constitutionalism, respect for democratic values, promotion of equity, due process, social justice, and the basic needs of the people. This is much better than a nebulous re-branding project that is like climbing a tree from the top.  Build the people, build their communities, promote their interests, build confidence in the state and promote state hegemony and democracy will flourish.
2. Redefine and strengthen leadership at all levels
A year of bad leadership can cost the nation ten good years of development.  The predicaments of Nigeria are largely the result of bad leadership.  Very arrogant and ignorant leadership for that matter. They do not read and are technologically challenged.  They waste so much time talking, meeting, and inventing or pursuing enemies that they have little or no time to build real leadership qualities. They do not prepare successors and any other rising star is an enemy that must be framed, harassed, crippled financially, and eliminated or chased far away.  They build false popularity profiles by paying for and receiving useless honorary degrees, chieftaincy titles, and awards from useless organisations.  Awards that have no real meaning in the eyes of the people. No award goes for nothing.  They lack the qualities of compassion, vision, education, capacity, capability, dignity, exposure, hard work, consultation, ability to listen, and a clear and real track record of service to the people.  They put up billboards, name buildings and roads after themselves, set up youth vanguards, turn the local television and radio into their personal newsletters and appoint opportunists and praise singers into positions to recycle the same culture of mediocrity and eye service.   Such a leader cannot build relative autonomy, hegemony, establish lasting institutions, and live in the hearts of the people for ever.  Cheap popularity, not anchored on service, honesty, integrity and performance is a waste of money and time. We must build new visions, new voices, new hopes, news constituencies and new leaderships at all levels.
3. Build political will, don’t ignore humanity
If Nigeria is going to grow and our democracy consolidated, our governments and leaders must build the required political will to take the nation out of underdevelopment.  Some governors and federal ministries are doing a lot but unless these efforts are integrated within the larger developmental environment they will precipitate skewed growth.   Hence, when the police in one state receive support and wage an effective war on criminals, they simply move to the next state to cool off.  When one state declares a scholarship programme, indigenes from the next state adjust their names and villages to enjoy the benefits.  The will to terminate poverty, pursue justice and equity, provide accountable leadership, build bridges of tolerance and accommodation, and ensue respect for the rule of law must guide our individual and collective determination to move Nigeria onto the path of sustainable, people-centred development.  Tough decisions must be taken but built on consultation, dialogue and a smile does not hurt!
4.  Reform and reposition Political Parties for Democracy
No matter how we look at it or pretend, politics is still war in Nigeria.  It is a business in which you or a sponsor invests and look forward to reaping huge returns within a short time.  Campaigns are not necessary, platforms or manifestoes are not necessary and you do not need to have the best profile or qualifications. Just have a godfather, sufficient wild-looking thugs, money- the source is not relevant-, and strategise on how to influence the electoral commission, the police and the media, and pronto you are “elected” into office.  Don’t worry about the election monitors.  They will not go beyond their reports, AIT or Channels television and press releases.  When did these ever influence the Election Tribunals, Court of Appeal or the Supreme Court?  If your opponent appeals, get some good lawyers, preferably Senior Advocates of Nigeria, and some money. If you cannot win the case out right, you can delay it till you finish your term.  These are realities.
As I once said at another forum, politics in our country “is costly, diabolical, unsteady, uncertain, and announced results hardly ever reflect what took place on election-day.  Only in few cases are the best candidates presented for political office and aspirants are almost bankrupted before they get elected.  This in itself lays the foundation for the arrogance of power, executive recklessness and unbridled corruption.  Until our political parties become truly and fully reformed, Nigeria cannot move forward.  Until the parties begin to respect their own rules, Nigeria cannot produce credible, capable, courageous and visionary leaders that will build the political economy and consolidate democratic institutions and practices.  The parties must begin to perform some of the basic functions of political parties- identify and train leaders, develop policy platforms, present the best aspirants and candidates for office, regulate office holders, conduct research on party and political development, encourage public discourses, and commit openly to the sustenance of democracy in every regards.”
If you pick an unpopular candidate, you must rig the elections for “victory.”  That is just the plain truth.  As I have said elsewhere, “Office holders that emerge from a dubious and diabolical process cannot be expected to respect the constitution or liberties.  They cannot be expected to distinguish between the public and private treasury.  That is why we must never tire of the struggle for democratic practice and social justice.  Political parties in Nigeria must be bastions of fair-play, justice and freedom.  Unless this happens they would be contributing directly to the consolidation and reproduction of poverty, insecurity and underdevelopment in Nigeria.”
5. Let the Private sector find and define its true mission
We must commend the efforts of the private sector thus far.  However, it needs to do much more. Because it is relatively better organised, it has been able to attract some of our best minds out of the public sector.  Yet, it has become more or less stagnant.  The recent revelations about the corruption and squander mania in the banking sector are, to say the least, embarrassing.  It has also played a major role in corrupting and contaminating the public sector and debasing all known economic rules and regulations.  No wonder it has “resorted to all sorts of quack, opportunistic, emergency, underhand, superficial and downright fraudulent ways of making profits.  These include cooking up the books to jack up profits and give a false impression of assets, capacity, and position at the echelon of industry.”  In this context, the overall national economy suffers.  Hence we see the importation of sub-standard products at the expense of local producers and safety of consumers as well as the culture of charging customers all sorts of fees and levies at times for unsolicited services as many banks tend to do.  Many in the private sector, do everything possible to penetrate the government just to have an opportunity at the national cake irrespective of the consequences.  Until recently, some private sector executives were more visible in the newspapers and on television than state governors!  The private sector needs to be more creative in its approach, invest in technology, news ideas and the development of human capital.   The emphasis should shift to production as against distribution and they must help in strengthening the economic foundations of politics and our democratic enterprise.  This sector must define its interest and position in our political economy.  Does it want to be a spoiler, a parasite or partner with other stakeholders to promote development and a democratic context for progress.
6. Oppose Defederalisation, support Refederalisation
The debates on fiscal federalism, true federalism, constitutional amendment, state police, revenue sharing formula, resource control, women in politics, electoral reforms, political appointments, the location of local of infrastructure, corruption, state and local government creation, and infrastructural rehabilitation are endless.  It is good that such debates take place so we can have a better understanding of national priorities.  As is typical, the debates are at times very narrowly focused; often looking at Nigeria with little or no comparative perspectives.  But in Nigeria, the debates are informed more by narrow primordial interests that often contradict or undermine national interests and the collective good.  Just like the diabolical and sometimes pedestrian debates on the health of President Yar’Adua.  At the end of the day, the national and local interests are compromised and contained if not totally undermined.  People cannot be insisting on absolutes and we must all work hard to return Nigerian to federalism.  The Governors in particular must recognise that they were elected by their people and not by Abuja and they must see their states as federating units.  Unless we return to true federal arrangements, our governance will remain distorted; we will continue to dissipate energy and resources on managing the symptoms of a unitary-federalism that will not produce people-centred results.  We must unite to oppose every effort to defederalise Nigeria by the forces of reaction and oppression.
7.Review the Constitution: Build it on the people
The time wasted thus far in fighting over the chairmanship and timetable of the constitution review committee and process by the National Assembly is sufficient to have concluded the exercise.  That both seats of legislative authority could not agree on the process is disappointing and makes one to wonder whose interests they truly represent on this issue.  Past constitutional reviews have cost the nation billions of naira with very little to show.  We have lost opportunities to give the people a living document that could be deployed in the defence of individual and collective liberties.
If we must be sincere for once, the constitutional review is “not one man’s show and it must not be an ego trip.  It is not senators versus the representatives.  It is not the National Assembly versus the rest of the nation.  Rather, it is one more golden chance to give ourselves a living document, a true peoples covenant, a road map to show us how to organise and deploy power in the collective interests of our people.  It is an opportunity to correct historical injustices against women, the youth, the poor, micro-minorities and minorities.  It is an opportunity to stop oil theft, kidnapping, illegal-bunkering, arson, assassinations, money laundering, hostage taking and other forms of violence in the much neglected and exploited Niger Delta.  It is an opportunity to produce the document that will engender peace, stability, dialogue, tolerance, diversity, unity, democracy and progress in Nigeria.
This will not happen if the process is opportunistic, elitist and complicated.  We must draw lessons from Uganda, South Africa, Eritrea, Ghana and other parts of the world by adopting a truly open, consultative, transparent, accountable, process-driven and people-led approach to constitution-making.  This is the only way to produce a constitution that we can all understand and all own and defend with our lives.  This is the way to build the architecture to deepen, widen, promote, sustain and reproduce democracy and democratization.  The process of refederalisation will be possible and much more viable with a true constitutional consultation and process that brings our people together and restructures our political compact.  It is also the only way to build a culture of constitutionalism, through a process publicises the constitution as our document, mobilises the people, and wins buy-in from the people.  If we do not get the politics of constitution-making right, we can never get our development right.  Political uncertainty, contradictions, distrust, violence and instability will continue to challenge well-intentioned programmes and policies and thus reproduce underdevelopment.
Conclusion
Allow me to conclude here. I have said nothing about corruption, because there is nothing to say.  If we do the things recommended above, the environment and institutions to question and correct the widespread corruption in our society will be possible.  Civil society has a major role to play and once again, we are already witnessing their rejuvenation due to the arrogance, intolerance and insensitivity of the power elite.  Civil society must continue to refine, redirect, reposition and reorganise itself to face contemporary challenges. I have no doubt in my mind that the elections of 2011 and 2012 will spell doom in Nigeria unless we wake up to the realities before us and unless we take our democratic enterprise seriously and commit to fair-play, institution-building, democratic practices and values.  The old generation must admit their failures, reform or give way. If they continue in their old ways that have mortgaged our present and squandered our future, the people, in their organisations, communities and constituencies will force them to change or give way.  In today’s world, a word is more than enough for the foolish not to talk of the wise.  I don talk my own!
Thank you and may God continue to bless Nigeria and may the glorious memory of Charles Etsu continue to guide us as we work for a truly democratic Nigeria.

Scroll to Top